Instead, it was a day of high drama as they were initially barricaded in their home by a group of drunken thugs then allowed to pack up a few possessions before being forced to flee for their lives.

The harassment started four days previously when a group of intoxicated thugs arrived and began threatening the family and interrupting farming operations.

Initially they gave Finaughty just 10 minutes to get off the farm.  However, after he managed to reason with them, they extended the time limit to three hours, warning the family that their lives were in danger if they did not meet the deadline.

As Finaughty and his wife attempted to drive off the farm having packed at a frenetic pace under dangerously volatile conditions, one of the thugs leapt onto Mrs Finaughty’s car.

This caused a fight to break out within the drunken group, creating a fortuitous diversion which enabled the family to escape unscathed.

Speaking later from Harare, Finaughty said his family was safe but he was anxious about the welfare of his workers, the 9 300 broilers which he’d been barred from feeding and watering for three days, and about his cattle.

The deliberate starvation of livestock is frequently used as a bargaining tool to force commercial farmers off their land.

Prior to his most recent downscaling, Finaughty’s farming operation comprised 195 Brahman cattle, 11 000 chickens and 40ha of tobacco.

For Finaughty, it has been a decade of trauma.  In 2001, he agreed to co-operate with the land reform programme in the hope that chaos and national starvation could be avoided.

To his credit, he managed to coexist with the new farmers, who received no help from the government, and assisted them with fertilizer as well as helping them to plough their lands.

Then, in 2007, a top Reserve Bank employee, Winnie Mushipe initiated her first attempt at seizing Finaughty’s remaining portion of Manda farm.  As a result, he has been in court on numerous occasions to try to retain his land, while Mushipe has accused him of refusing to leave what she terms “state owned” property.

Mushipe, who is not an experienced farmer, has been described as “growing nothing but weeds”.  She falls into the category of “cell phone farmers” – people who hold high-powered, well-paid city jobs and have no interest in farming the land.

Many “cell phone farmers” make significant short-term money from asset stripping or from forcing commercial farmers off their land just as their crops are ready to reap.

When this latest group of paid thugs moved onto the farm – believed to have been sent by Zanu PF’s Secretary for Administration and former Lands Minister Didymus Mutasa, they fell out with the new farmers who had still received no support from the government and resented the intrusion.

As is the case with farm invasions across the country, the police once again refused to assist Finaughty, describing his situation as “political”.

Finaughty is one of 79 commercial farmers who took their case to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Tribunal in Windhoek, Namibia, a highly respected international court.

On November 28 last year, the Tribunal ruled that the land grab was unlawful and ordered the Zimbabwean government to protect commercial farmers and their workers – and allow them to continue farming their land.

Regrettably the Mugabe government has refused to respect the SADC Tribunal judgement and the ruling has been continuously flouted.  The farmers involved in the case have been deliberately targeted for retribution, most notably Chegutu farmer Mike Campbell who, together with his son-in-law Ben Freeth, initiated the case.

Elderly partner under siege

For Finaughty, although he and his family are now off Manda farm, the nightmare continues.  He is deeply concerned about his elderly partner, Richard Harland, who remained on the farm with his wife Brita, a chronic asthmatic and now very frail.

Initially the thugs forced Harland to sign a document stating he would be off the farm by January 2 but today the Harlands were under siege and being harassed relentlessly in their home.

Finaughty is also worried about their tobacco crop, which is ready to reap.

Deon Theron, president of the Commercial Farmers’ Union, has continued to raise with government the issue of the ongoing farm invasions and their impact on the dangerously diminished commercial farming community, food security and the country’s already sullied reputation.

“Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has been calling for Zimbabweans to come home and for international investors to reinvest, but this is totally unrealistic,” said Theron.  “Mr Tsvangirai cannot expect people to return under these conditions, or for the international community to invest in a country which continues to flout the rule of law.”

On December 24, Pretoria-based civil rights initiative AfriForum sent an appeal to the South African Minister of Trade and Industry, Dr Rob Davies, requesting that he intervene urgently to protect the life and property of Finaughty.

The South African government is bound by the North Gauteng High Court ruling of November 26 to honour the terms of the landmark property rights ruling by the SADC Tribunal on November 28 last year that the Zimbabwean land invasions were illegal.

The North Gauteng High Court ruling paved the way for the signing of a historic bilateral investment promotion and protection agreement (BIPPA) between Zimbabwe and South Africa.

The ruling confirmed a settlement reached between the South African Department of Trade and Industry and Zimbabwean farmer Louis Fick, who is a South African citizen.

This week at least two other Zimbabwean commercial farmers have come under attack, with Minister Mutasa believed to be involved clandestinely in one of them.

Tragedy has also once again struck the beleaguered Chegutu farming community. Sandy Wilde, whose husband was killed in a car accident a few days before Christmas, was given just 24 hours to vacate the family farm.

Although the commercial farmers continue to suffer, the plight of farm workers is even worse, the majority having been left destitute by the land grab.  Many have faced horrific beatings and torture at the hands of the land invaders, often under instruction from the Zanu PF elite who have taken over the farms illegally.

ENDS

For further information:

Deon Theron – President
Commercial Farmers Union of Zimbabwe
Tel:  +263 4 309 800
Zim cell:  +263 912 246 233
Zim cell:  +263-11 606 783
E-mail:  dtheron@cfuzim.org

Ray Finaughty
Commercial Farmer – Rusape
Tel:  +263 913 263 670
Tel:  +263 11 412 555
E-mail:  Harland@bsatt.com

The MDC is extremely concerned at the dragging of feet by Zanu PF and Professor Mutambara’s party in resolving the outstanding issues as advised by the guarantors.

The deadline set by the SADC troika for the resolution of outstanding issues has once again been missed because of the intransigence, mischief and insincerity exhibited by the political players who are not taking the plight of the people of Zimbabwe seriously.

For two weeks, Zimbabweans have waited in vain for the political gridlock to be unlocked. We note with concern that the body language from both Zanu PF and the Mutambara-led political outfit does not show sincerity and faithfulness to resolve the outstanding issues.

The unelected negotiators from the Mutambara-led political formation, who by some chance have found themselves in government, are stalling the resolution of Zimbabwe’s political crisis. While the negotiators of the major political parties met on Monday at 10am to deliberate on the sticking matters, the negotiators from Mutambara’s grouping failed to turn up. Professor Welshman Ncube and Hon Priscillah Misihairabwi Mushonga have chosen to prioritise flying to world capitals at the expense of resolving critical issues that will deliver real change to the people of Zimbabwe.

The MDC expects urgent resolution of issues that have stalled the work of the inclusive government. We expect that all parties, especially those that have chosen to ignore the important time-frames, targets and deadlines set by SADC, should urgently meet and clear the deck of the outstanding issues that have poisoned the people’s collective journey of hope spawned by the formation of the inclusive government in February 2009.

The MDC is a party of excellence. We believe that the political logjam must be urgently unlocked so that Zimbabweans see real change in their lives. Zimbabweans want hope, dignity, freedom, security and prosperity. No political party is greater than the people’s expectations.

Together to the end, marching to a new Zimbabwe.

Victoria Falls police arrested NANGO board chairperson Dadirai Chikwengo and Chief Executive Officer Cephas Zinhumwe Sunday October 25 2009 after the NGO Directors’ Summer School held 23-24 October 2009 in the resort town.

Information coming from Vic Falls is to the effect that the two are to be charged under POSA for holding a meeting the police deemed political. It is understood that the two were in police custody and they were expected to appear in court Monday 26 October 2009. Zimbabwe Lawyers’ for Human Rights Director Irene Petras, who also attended the Summer School, is representing the two.

The Directors’ Summer School is an annual event organized by the National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations (NANGO) bringing together directors from NGOs in Zimbabwe to reflect on their work, discuss the way forward as civil society and issue statements targeted at the development of Zimbabwe among other things.

Police charges against the two stemmed from the statement issued by the directors in which they called for the intervention of SADC and the AU to ensure that the Global Political Agreement (GPA) was fully implemented. SADC and the AU are the guarantors of the agreement.

The arrests came hot on the heels of various news articles and opinion pieces in the state controlled media that attacked NGOs openly labeling them as working in cahoots with the West and MDC to effect regime change.

NGO heads and other members of civil society have said the arrests are malicious and they are aimed at intimidating civil society members to dissuade them from their work that includes the call for the democratization of the country and the full implementation of the GPA among other things.

Below is the full statement issued by NGO directors at this year Summer School that triggered the arrest.

Declaration by NGO Directors on the ongoing crisis in Zimbabwe

We the leaders of 120 Non Governmental Organisations working to enhance social, economic and political development in Zimbabwe, having met from the 23rd to the 24th of October 2009 in Victoria Falls on the occasion of the NGO Directors Summer School:

Gravely concerned about the continuing crisis in our country which is manifested by widespread food insecurity, high unemployment, outbreaks of diseases, lack of access to essential services, high migration rates, fear and denial of basic human rights,

Recalling, that the signing of the Global Political Agreement and the subsequent formation of the transitional Government of National Unity (GNU) gave hope to many people,

Noting the widely held anticipation that the participation of the main political parties in the Inclusive Government would end the polarisation of the country and that Zimbabweans would finally unite in a democratic and peaceful country in which the dignity of every human being and the rule of law would be respected and upheld,

Reiterating the NGO sector’s demonstrable and long-standing commitment to contribute to progressive efforts to promote development in Zimbabwe in spite of the continued threats and incitement against representatives of the sector,

Acknowledging some slight improvements in humanitarian and economic conditions since the formation of the GNU,

Concerned about the growing list of challenges yet to be addressed or resolved by the Inclusive Government and thus requiring immediate attention – especially in regards to social service delivery, transitional justice, promotion and protection of human rights, constitutional reform, and Institutional reform,

Maintaining that the observance of the rule of law and separation of powers is non-negotiable and essential for the speedy recovery of our country and its re-integration into the regional and international community of nations,

Worried, that the current Inter-party crisis has arisen at a time when Zimbabwe requires a cohesive, accountable and democratic government to respond to amongst other urgent imperatives the predicted drought and deadly cholera outbreak,

Deeply disappointed by the non-action of the guarantors of the Inter Part Political Agreement and their continued unwillingness to perform their mandate and protect the people of Zimbabwe,

Further disappointed about the Inclusive Governments failure to be accountable and transparent to the people of Zimbabwe about developments surrounding the ‘pull-out /disengagement of the MDC-T’ party from the Inclusive Government,

Hereby,

Resolve to insist via peaceful means for the Inclusive Government to fulfil its own stated obligations in the Inter-party Political Agreement to amongst other things establish a people-driven constitutional reform process, improve social service delivery, facilitate Institutional reforms and create economic stability,

Urge all concerned stakeholders to join the NGO sector in efforts to urgently pursue immediate and honest solutions to the ongoing crisis in the interests of cohesively addressing with purposefulness the suffering that the people face in Zimbabwe,

Call for the immediate and decisive intervention by SADC and the African Union as guarantors of the GPA in fulfilment of their responsibility to ensure the full implementation of the agreement and protect the people of Zimbabwe,

Insist on the urgent resumption of a people driven Constitutional reform process through people driven means in an environment permissive for the full enjoyment of the fundamental freedoms of speech, assembly and association,

Further insist on the Inclusive Government to bring national healing to the people of Zimbabwe through transitional justice mechanisms.

Issued by, Dadirai Chikwengo, NANGO Board Chairperson

For and on behalf of delegates to the NGO Directors Summer School

For further Information Contact:

Godwin Phiri (Board Secretary) 011396073

It is exactly 264 days since the extra-ordinary summit of SADC of 26 January 2009 that directed the formation of the transitional government, which government started work on the 13th February 2009.

That same SADC summit directed that the government be formed by the swearing in of the Prime Minister, ministers and deputy ministers on 11 and 13 February 2009 respectively. That same summit directed that the issue of provincial governors, the Reserve Bank governor and the Attorney-General be resolved by the parties forthwith. That same summit directed that the allocation of ministerial positions be reviewed after a period of six months.

264 days later, outstanding, non-compliance and toxic issues continue to impede the transitional government. Despite countless meetings among the Principals, despite countless press conferences, despite numerous correspondence and trips to SADC and SADC leaders and despite a SADC summit, the above issues remain outstanding.

It is regrettable to note that provincial governors have not been appointed to date despite agreement on every item. Equally, it is unacceptable that the issue of the RBZ governor and the AG have not been resolved despite the self-evident illegality in their appointment. More indecently is the fact that even the government itself has not fully been constituted due to the failure to swear in the deputy minister of Agriculture.

Perhaps more embarrassingly is the fact that there has been no review of the GPA nor of the ministerial positions six months after 26 January 2009.

In this period, we have seen a complete lack of paradigm shift on the part of Zanu PF. Instead, we have seen total abuse and disrespect of the GPA and in particular of the MDC. Ministerial mandates have been changed unilaterally, government internal rules have not been changed to recognize the new reality. Over and above this, some government agencies, in particular few components in the National Security forces still behave as if the old order exists. The National Security Council itself has met only once in nine months.

We are also aware of the extensive militarization of the countryside through massive deployment of the military and the setting up of bases of violence that we saw after the 29th of March 2008. Over and above this, we are aware of over 16 000 of Zanu PF youth functionaries who have been imposed on the government payroll.

In addition, we have seen the continuous selective and unequal application of the rule of law. Seven MDC MPs have been persecuted and convicted on shadowy charges whilst several others are on remand.

The public media, in particular The Herald and the ZBC continue to treat the MDC and our leaders in government as if they were a third-rate treasonous and sell-out element instead of a genuine and equal partner in the transitional government.

The slow rate of movement and execution of positions agreed in the GPA is also as worrying as it is unacceptable. Indeed, the lack of real movement on the key issues of democratization of the media, the Constitutional reform process, the land audit and the rule of law issues in the GPA are issues that stick out like a sore thumb.

On our part, we have papered over the cracks and have sought to persuade the whole world in the last eight months that everything is working.  We have sought to persuade our constituencies that the transitional government was on course and was the only business in town. In the process, we have put at stake the reputation, credibility and trust of our movement and to ourselves as leaders.

We have done everything in order to make this government work and we have done so purely for one reason, the need to restore hope and dignity to our people; the need to give our people a new start and a new beginning. This overwhelming obligation remains as factual and as fundamental to date.

The present arrest and detention of our party treasurer Roy Bennett has brought home the fiction of the credibility and integrity of the transitional government. It has brought home the reality that as a Movement, we have an unreliable and unrepentant partner in the transitional government.  It has brought home the self-evident fact that Zanu PF sees us as a junior, fickle and unserious Movement.

The truth of the matter is that it is our Movement that won the election of 29 March 2008. It is our Movement that has the mandate of the people to govern this country. It is our Movement that has strategically compromised on that mandate by executing the GPA and by entering into the transitional government.  It is our Movement upon which the hope and future of millions of Zimbabweans is deposited.

However, it is now time for us to assert and take our position as the dominant party in Zimbabwe. In taking this path, we are guided by the fact that we are the trustees of the people’s mandate and therefore the only one with the mandate to remain in government.

For that reason, this party for now cannot renege on the people’s mandate. However, it is our right to disengage from a dishonest and unreliable partner. In this regard, whilst being government, we shall forthwith disengage from Zanu PF and in particular from Cabinet and the Council of Ministers until such time as confidence and respect is restored amongst us.

This will include the full resolution of all outstanding issues and the substantial implementation of the GPA. We are aware of the Constitutional implications of our decision, in light of the foundational element of the transitional government that executive power is shared between the President, the Prime Minister and Cabinet.

However, it is a Constitutional crisis which should be resolved if Zanu PF and its leadership know that there is a price to pay for procrastination. Naturally should this Constitutional crisis escalate, then the self-evident solution would be the holding of a free and fair election to be conducted by SADC and the AU and under UN supervision.

We reiterate that this Movement will stand embedded in its social democratic principles and values. It will remain loyal to the cause of our struggle and it will continue with the struggle for real change in Zimbabwe.

May God bless you.

The director of the Zimbabwe Peace Project and 16 others were charged with plotting to topple President Robert Mugabe’s government last year.

“The state, through its agents, violated the applicant’s constitutional rights to the extent of entitling the applicant (Mukoko) a permanent stay of criminal prosecution,” said Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku, flanked by Justices Paddington Garwe and Luke Malaba, as he delivered the ruling in a packed Supreme Court chamber on September 28.

Lawyers are still waiting for full details of the reasons for the ruling. Mukoko’s lawyer, Harrison Nkomo said it was a good ruling for his client but that it is too early to say if the judiciary in Zimbabwe was not longer compromised.

“If a court makes a sensible ruling, it must be commended for that.  I should congratulate the Supreme Court for capturing the law quite clearly. She would not have been brought to court had the Attorney General’s office applied its mind. The manner in which the state agents apprehended her are testimony that she had not done anything wrong.”

Mukoko challenged the court that her constitutional rights had been violated when she was seized from her Norton home at dawn in her nightdress by five unidentified armed men and a woman, tortured repeatedly and kept in solitary confinement at various secret locations before being handed over to the police three weeks later. Her rights were further grossly violated by being denied access to medication for her severe allergies and to a lawyer.

During the Constitutional Court hearing State prosecutor Ms Fatima Maxwell conceded that State security agents had abducted and illegally detained Mukoko. In an earlier hearing, Didymus Mutasa, Minister of State Security, said she had been picked up by the Central Intelligence Organisation, which falls under his portfolio but does not have the right to arrest people.

Before the former Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation news reader was handed over to the police she was blindfolded and beaten repeatedly on the feet with a hosepipe and a coiled object by initially six and then 10 people, working in pairs, all of whom were visibly drunk. She was interrogated while kneeling on sharp gravel and on December 13 was forced to sign a statement saying she had recruited an ex-policeman to help recruit MDC insurgents to train in Botswana, a charge discredited by the Southern African Development Community. A certain Fidelis Mudimu had her read this statement to camera.

As a result of her severe injuries she was in pain for a long time afterwards. When doctors finally saw her, they called for X-rays, which the state security agents and police would not allow.

She was repeatedly threatened with death and underwent what the court doctors described as “harrowing human rights’ abuses.” As her condition deteriorated she was seen by Dr Chigumira who was shocked by her condition and subsequently she was given medicine for her allergies.

On December 22 Mukoko’s captors handed her over to Chief Superintendent Magwenzi who kept her blindfolded while her captors left. She was held in solitary confinement, shackled and forced to wear handcuffs and leg irons while in police custody. Police took her to search her Norton home and went away with several things: they did not take an inventory.

On December 8 the Zimbabwe Republic Police had opened a criminal case of kidnapping, perhaps in reply to the growing international demand for her release that included the voices of Gordon Brown and Condoleezza Rice. It was never investigated or prosecuted.

Mukoko had access to a court and a lawyer for the first time on Christmas Eve. On Christmas Day she was transferred from Chikurubi high security prison to the private Avenues Clinic under armed guard but returned to Chikurubi after her High Court appearance on December 28 where a newspaper report says she was kept naked under appalling conditions.

Mukoko was finally granted bail on March 2. She had to report to the Norton police twice a week, hand over the deeds to her house, worth $20,000 and pay $600. She was re-arrested in May but released a day later, apparently on the orders of President Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.

She filed a constitutional challenge in February with lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa that her human rights had been violated as a result of her abduction, torture and her incommunicado detention. Other human rights and opposition activists who face similar charges and were subjected to the same conditions have applied to the Supreme Court to have their charges dropped but are awaiting hearings into their applications.

Andrew Makoni, Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights’ chairperson, says that the ruling creates a solid ground for Mukoko to sue the AG’s office and the state agents.

Mukoko broke into tears as journalists, friends and relatives mobbed her when she was leaving the courtroom. She said: “Justice has just prevailed. I am so excited. Becoming a free person again in Zimbabwe.

“I did not have to go through what I went through. For a while I have been someone who was not free. I’m really going to enjoy this with my family. It did not make sense. I have never in my life done anything wrong.”

Following the Supreme Court judgement, President Robert Mugabe’s remarks about the West on the local and international stage have been noticeably conciliatory.

5 September 2009

Status and meaning of ratification of SADC Treaty and Tribunal Protocol

Patrick Chinamasa, the Minister of Justice, is reported as having stated that Zimbabwe is not bound by the Protocol on the SADC Tribunal (Tribunal Protocol) as she has not ratified this instrument. He goes on further to state that the Protocol is not yet in force as only five countries had ratified it. The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (the Forum) respectfully disagrees with this view for the reasons stated below.

The Declaration and Treaty of SADC (SADC Treaty) establishes the institutions implementing the sub-region’s integration policies and founding principles. Article 16 of the SADC Treaty provides for the establishment of the SADC Tribunal. In terms of article 16(2) the “the composition, powers, functions, procedures and other related matters governing the Tribunal shall be prescribed in a Protocol, which shall, notwithstanding the provisions of Article 22 of this Treaty, form an integral part of this Treaty, adopted by the Summit”. Essential Article 16 (2) exempts the Tribunal Protocol from the provisions of Article 22 of the SADC Treaty, which prescribes that each Protocol approved by the Summit of Heads of State and Government (Summit) shall become binding on member states 30 days after two thirds of the 15 SADC members have ratified the instrument. This means that 9 SADC member states should ratify a Protocol before it may be implemented and applied against any of them by the relevant body tasked with its enforcement. Furthermore since Article 16 (2) by-passes adherence to Article 22, the Tribunal Protocol became binding when it was approved by the Summit.

The institutionalization of the Protocols in the SADC legal framework came as a realization of the fact that effective implementation of regional policies required more than just political will, but the existence of legally binding instruments and enforcement mechanisms such as the SADC Tribunal and its protocol. Of the over 20 protocols now in force only the Tribunal Protocol did not require ratification by two thirds of the SADC member states for it to become a binding instrument. This therefore means that all SADC states which ratified the SADC Treaty, that became a legally binding instrument in 1993, are also bound by the SADC Protocol which became an integral part of the constitutive treaty of the sub-regional body by virtue of article 16(2). All SADC member states have ratified or acceded to the SADC Treaty and are therefore bound by its provisions and by extension the provisions of the Tribunal Protocol. It is therefore misleading for the Minister of Justice or any judicial body to argue that Zimbabwe is not bound by the Tribunal protocol on grounds that the instrument has neither been ratified nor entered into force. Therefore under international law Zimbabwe is bound by the decisions recently handed down against her by the SADC Tribunal in terms of legal instruments that she has voluntarily ratified.

We urge the Summit meeting in September to mount pressure on the Zimbabwean government to respect the rule of law by complying with court decisions delivered at the domestic, regional and international level. We further call upon the Zimbabwean government to put in place laws and regulations for the registration and enforcement of foreign judgments to facilitate the execution of decisions from the SADC Tribunal and the newly operationalised African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights. We also call upon the Zimbabwean parliament to enact laws consonant with ratified regional and international legal instruments and amend repugnant laws accordingly. The Zimbabwean parliament is further called upon to domesticate all ratified regional and international instruments to enhance the protection of fundamental human rights at the domestic level.

ENDS

Submitted by:

Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum – Harare
Tel: +263 -4-250 511
www.hrforumzim.com
admin@hrforum.co.zw

International Liaison Office
56-64 Leonard St
London EC2A 4LT
Tel:  +44-(0)20-7065 0945
zimhrforum@btconnect.com

Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights – Harare
(Member of Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum)

Today’s misleading and laughable reports in The Herald that Zanu PF has strictly adhered to the Global Political Agreement (GPA) represents yet another desperate attempt to hoodwink Zimbabweans and the international community when the facts speak for themselves on who has led the world up the garden path.

Zanu PF’s spokesman Ephraim Masawi makes scandalous allegations that the MDC has not spoken out about sanctions. He further alleges that President Mugabe has stuck to the law and the GPA when he appointed Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono and Attorney-General Johannes Tomana. Masawi wrongly alleges it is the prerogative of President Mugabe to appoint 10 provincial governors and resident ministers.

The world is clear that the so-called sanctions are a result of Zanu PF’s past sins of omission and commission. The onus is on Zanu PF itself to morph into a civilised political party that does not believe in the primitive and feudal coercive politics of machetes and knobkerries. The MDC cannot be held accountable for Zanu PF’s political misfortunes and the barbaric image it has carved out for itself in the eyes of Africa and the world.

Zimbabweans, the region and the world know that it is Zanu PF which has violated the GPA by standing in the way of Constitutional reform, by maintaining a stranglehold on the public media, by persecuting political opponents, by reneging on agreed reform processes and refusing to swear-in officials legally seconded to the inclusive government by their political parties. The case of Hon Roy Bennet is a case in point.

The MDC is a party of excellence. We believe in abiding by agreements to which we have appended our signatures. Contrary to the rantings by the Zanu PF, it is not Zanu PF which appointed MDC ministers, but the people of Zimbabwe appointed an entire MDC government on 29 March. It is Zanu PF which got accommodated into an MDC government through a political settlement.

Zanu PF lies will not change the truth. While Zanu PF’s journey to oblivion has gathered momentum, our journey to a new Zimbabwe is irreversible.